Spare Coins For Swap!!

Nizam of Hyderabad

First No. coin -‎4 annas Nickel, this coin is Mir Osman Ali Khan-1911 - 1948
second Pies Copper, this coin  is Mir Mehboob Ali khan-1869 - 1911
third hole pie is 1366 AH (1947)

First No. coin -‎4 annas Nickel, this coin is Mir Osman Ali Khan-1911 - 1948
second Pies Copper, this coin  is Mir Mehboob Ali khan-1869 - 1911
third hole pie is 1366 AH (1947)

My collection of Pre- Independence Indian coins so far...

New set of coins

A set of new Indian coins is displayed during the unveiling ceremony in New Delhi on July 8, 2011. Indian Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee launched a new set of coins of denominations of 50 paisa, 1, 2, 5 and 10 Indian rupee coins.

New Commemorative Coins – India – 150 Years of Income Tax

The Finance Minister of India released a set of Two coins of Rs 150 and Rs 5 Denomination on 26 Feb 2011 to mark 150 Years of Income Tax Department.

This is the second coin in Rs 150 Denomination issued the earlier one was on Tagore. This coin is a 44mm circular coin which is 50 % Silver.  Its design bears  Portrait of Chanakya, Lotus and Honeybee.

Evolution of the 25 paise coin

Evolution of the 25 paise coin

 No longer a legal tender: The road has finally come to an end for the humble 25 paise coin. The Reserve Bank of India is withdrawing from circulation coins of 25 paise and below from June 30, 2011. Coins of denomination of 25 paise and below will not be accepted for exchange at the bank branches from July 1, 2011 onwards. We trace the history of the 25 paise coin from the British era to contemporary India.

1830s: The first of the quarter rupee coins were issued in India during the reign of William IV. The coins were made of silver.

1840s: The longest reigning monarch of the United Kingdom, Queen Victoria also held the title of the Empress of India. During her reign a number of quarter rupee coins were issued. Soon after her ascent to the throne, a silver quarter rupee coin was issued in India. The coins featured the bust of a young Queen Victoria. She was made the queen soon after her 18th birthday.

1870s: The coins issued later in Queen Victoria's reign had a more mature looking bust of the queen. The one-fourth rupee coins were made of silver.

1890s: While Queen Victoria was adding to her years in real life, she also put in a bit of weight on the her image on the coins.

1900s: The new century also witnessed a change on the British monarchy. Following the death of his mother Queen Victoria, Edward VII was crowned as the King of the United Kingdom and also as the Emperor of India. All new coins issued during the time bore his name and face.

1910s: A new design of coins were introduced in 1919 that sought to replace the existing silver quarter rupee coins. The new equivalent of the quarter rupee coin was the 4 aana coin, that was made from cupro-nickel instead of silver. The rising silver prices following the First World War necessitated this change. These coins had the effigy of King George V.

1920s: George V was crowned the King in 1910. He was also the first reigning British Monarch to tour India. The 4 aana coins introduced in 1919 didn't gain popularity and soon the quarter rupee coins had to be brought back.

1930s: King George VI was the last of the British monarchs to rule over India. His predecessor Edward VIII abdicated the throne in order to marry divorced American socialite Wallis Simpson. There were no coins issued for Edward VIII. While coins of other denominations went for a design change, the quarter rupee coins continued, with only a new monarch replacing the old.

Early 1950s: Following the Independence of India the currency system continued with the British series of coins till the establishment of the Indian Republic. The first coins of independent India were introduced on August 15, 1950 and it included the quarter rupee coin made of nickel. The coins had the words 'char aana' embossed in Devnagri script and had the Ashoka Emblem on one side.

Late 1950s: Another major landmark in the history of the 25 paise coin happened following the introduction of the decimal series in accordance with the Indian Coinage Act that came into force from April 1, 1957. The 19 mm 25 paise coins were called '25 naye paise'. The tern 'naye paise' was used for wider public recognition of the new coinage system and was discontinued from June 1, 1964 when the term 'naye' was dropped. The coins weighed 5 grams and were made of nickel.

1970s: By the late 1960s, Indians had become used to the new coinage system. The text 'rupaiye ka chautha bhag' (one fourth of a rupee) was also replaced by 25 paise. While other coins of lower denominations underwent a major change and moved to aluminium, the 25 paise coin didn't change much.

1970s: By the late 1960s, Indians had become used to the new coinage system. The text 'rupaiye ka chautha bhag' (one fourth of a rupee) was also replaced by 25 paise. While other coins of lower denominations underwent a major change and moved to aluminium, the 25 paise coin didn't change much.

Late 1980s to the 2000s: In 1988 the 25 paisa coin went steel and was made of ferratic stainless steel. It was a little heavier than its predecessor at 2.83 grams but was of the same size. The last 25 paise coins seen in popular circulation were minted in the year 2002.

A new symbol: In July 2010 the Government of India unveiled the new symbol for the Indian Rupee and designer D Udaya Kumar also designed a new symbol for the paise. But with the 25 paise going out of circulation we are unlikely to see the image above anywhere.

THE SULTANS OF MALWA

(ah 794-968          ad 1392-1561)

(excerpted from "Coins of the Indian Sultanates")   

Brief History -

Malwa became independent of the Dehli sultanate following Timur’s invasion at the end of ad 1398. The governor of the province at that time was Dilavar Khan Ghuri. His precise date of appointment is not known but he was certainly there in ad 1392. When the Dehli sultan, Mahmud bin Muhammad, fled from his capital, Dilavar Khan gave him asylum until he felt safe enough to return. Dilavar Khan never assumed the royal title nor struck coins in his own name but was independent in all but name. His son, Alp Khan, impatient to take over the reigns of power, had his father poisoned and, in ad 1405 (ah 808), ascended the throne under the title Husam al-Din Hushang Shah.

Muzaffar I of Gujarat used these events to invade Malwa. He defeated Hushang and carried him off to Gujarat leaving his own brother Nusrat Khan as governor of the conquered territory. The new governor’s regime, however, was so oppresive that the army expelled him and chose as their ruler Musa Khan, a cousin of Hushang. This latter, fearing the wrath of the Gujarat sultan shut himself up in the fortress of Mandu while Hushang implored his captor to restore his throne to him. Muzaffar sent an army under his grandson, Ahmad Khan, to restore Hushang, which he promptly did. But whereas the latter occupied his throne in the then capital, Dhar, Musa refused to leave Mandu until he found that he had run out of cash.

Despite the assistance he had received from Gujarat in regaining his throne, Hushang took it upon himself to invade that state three times in the next decade, each time without success. The Gujarat ruler, by now, Ahmad I, wishing to teach Hushang a lesson, invaded Malwa, defeated its ruler, driving him into Mandu, and plundered the country. In ad 1422 he conceived the idea of acquiring elephants to strengthen his army and made an expedition through unknown territory into Orissa to the Raja of Jajpur. Having obtained his elephants he made his way back to Malwa only to find that Ahmad I had again invaded and was in the process of besieging Mandu. Hushang managed to enter the fortress and, in due course, after some skirmishing both parties returned to their respective capitals.  During his reign, Hushang made improvements to the fortress of Mandu, renaming it Shadiabad and making it his capital.

Before long, Hushang became involved in a conflict with Mubarak Shah Sayyid of Dehli over Gwalior and then with Ahmad I Bahmani over Kherla. Hushang came off worse in both conflicts, even losing the ladies of his harem in the second to the victor, who, shortly afterwards, returned them to Malwa under a suitable escort.

Back in Mandu, Hushang took measures to improve the internal security of his country, founded the town of Hushangabad, and had to deal with Qadir Khan of Kalpi, who had assumed the royal title. Hushang had four sons, none of whom had much to commend them. He designated the eldest of them, Ghazni Khan as his heir. When Hushang died in ad 1435, his eldest son ascended the throne, not without some opposition, as Muhammad Shah I. He was a malignant drunkard who put to death his three brothers and other relatives and left the government of the state in the hands of his second cousin Mughith, and his son Mahmud. The latter, appalled by the sultan’s behaviour schemed to remove him and set himself up in his place. Muhammad was duly poisoned but, before Mahmud could take further action, certain nobles raised to the throne Muhammad’s young son Masud Khan as Masud Shah. In the hostilities that followed, Masud was forced to flee (to Gujarat), his supporters were either captured or dispersed and the throne was offered to Mughith. The latter declined it in favour of his son, and Mahmud was proclaimed sultan in May 1436 (ah 840). He thus became the first of the Khalji sultans of Malwa.

Discontent among the nobles, however, had not subsided and Mahmud had to deal with those who opposed him. He also had to contend with another invasion by Ahmad I of Gujarat who sought to re-establish Masud on the Malwa throne. After several months of indecisive campaigning, Ahmad died in ad 1442 and thus ended Masud’s hopes of regaining his throne.

Mahmud’s troubles, however, were not yet over. ‘Umar Khan, the younger son of Muhammad Shah, had fled from Gujarat to Chitor and from there to Chanderi in Malwa territory, where the garrison had welcomed him and acknowledged him as their king. He had subsequently been killed during Ahmad’s invasion, but the garrison had then proclaimed another pretender, Malik Sulaiman, under the title Shihab al-Din. Mahmud carried out a lengthy siege of the fortress during which the pretender died but at the same time the ruler of Gwalior invaded Malwa and had to be repelled.

Soon afterwards some nobles of Dehli, dissatisfied with the weakness of their sultan, Muhammad bin Farīd, invited Mahmud to their capital and offered him the throne. He marched to Dehl, but the nobles concerned proved to be too weak or give him worthwhile assistance and, after an indecisive battle, he and Muhammad bin Farīd agreed peace terms. On his return to Mandu, he rested for a while but in the following year, ad 1442, he marched to punish Khumba, the Rana of Chitor for the assistance he had given ‘Umar Khan. The campaign lasted some time but in the meantime, Mahmud’s father had died, and the sultan returned to Mandu with the intention of continuing the siege of Chitor the following year. But more trouble came in the form of Mahmud Shah of Jaunpur who was seeking to interfere in the affairs of the ruler of Kalpi, an area in which the Malwa sultan had an interest. This led to desultory fighting but, once again, peace was eventually made.

In ad 1446, Mahmud again invaded the Rana of Chitor’s dominions. On the way, he obtained submission from the commanders of the fortresses of Ranthambor and Mandalgahr, as well as the local rulers of Bayana and Hindaun, the former of whom, it is said, had coin struck in his name. No such coins have  as  yet  been  identified. In ad 1451 he invaded Gujarat but suffered a disastrous defeat. Three years later he invaded the Deccan at the invitation of two disaffected nobles and laid siege to the fortress of Mahur but retired when the Bahmanid sultan marched to its relief. In ad 1455 he again took the offensive against the Rana of Chitor, conquering the district of Mandasor, the city of Ajmir, and the fortress of Mandalgarh. He also received tribute from various Rajput chieftans.

In ad 1461 Mahmud was again invited to invade the Deccan (ah 866) where he was succesful in a battle against the army of the infant king Nizam Shah. Thereupon, he occupied Berar and the northern Deccan and entered the capital, Bidar. Unfortunately for the Malwa sultan, his namesake, Mahmud I of Gujarat, now entered the scene with a large army on the side of the Bahmanids, and effectively cut off his line of retreat. He found himself obliged to withdraw by a difficult and unaccustomed route where many of his army perished from thirst or at the hands of the local inhabitants. Few of his army made it back to Mandu. The following year, he invaded the Deccan once more but he was not able to achieve anything.

In ad 1465 (ah 870) an envoy arrived at Mandu from the shadowy ‘Abbasid caliph of Egypt, al-Mustanjid billah Yusuf with a robe of honour and patent of sovereignty. Despite the hollowness of such a gesture, the patent was gratefully received. Further problems in the Deccan ensued when the Bahmanids obtained temporary occupation of Kherla but that was settled soon after with a peace treaty with the new ruler Muhammad III and Kherla remained in Malwa hands. More campaigns followed in the following years and in ad 1469 he received an envoy from Bahlol Lodi seeking his help against Husain Shah of Jaunpur for which he would be granted the cession of the district of Bayana. Having agreed to provide assistance if and when necessary, he returned to Mandu. He was now 68 years old and, worn out from years of campaigning, he died shortly afterwards.

Mahmud I Khalji was the greatest of the Malwa sultans. His reign had been full of campaigns, some successful in extending the bounds of his territories, others less so. He had not been able to defeat Rana Kumbha and take the fortress of Chitor. His administration had been strong and just. He recognised the importance of agriculture to the state’s wellbeing and, when time allowed, made efforts to foster trade. He also established a hospital in Mandu to be run from state funds. At some stage during his reign he designated his eldest son, Ghiyath, as heir apparent and allowed him to strike coins in his own name. He must also have been given an important role in the management of the state while his father was away on campaign.

Ghiyath Shah ascended the throne in ad 1469 (ah 873). He began by confirming in post all his father’s appointees and conferred on his eldest son, ‘Abd al-Qadir, the title Nasir Shah, making him heir apparent and his associate in the administration of the state. During Mahmud’s reign, Ghiyath had been entrusted with various military campaigns, but now he considered that his main aim was to consolidate what his father had achieved rather than seek more conquests. Nonetheless, it was not long before he became involved in the affairs of Mewar. Rana Khumba had been murdered by his eldest son and this had led to division in the kingdom with one of the parties seeking the aid of the Malwa sultan. Ghiyath provided military assistance but without success.

In ad 1482-3 (ah 887), Gujarat suffered a famine and raids were carried out within the buffer Rajput state of Champanir to seek supplies. The death of some Gujarat officers was seen as a casus belli by the powerful sultan of Gujarat, Mahmud I, who, in any case was keen to add the state to his own territories and appropriate its riches. As in the past, the ruler of Champanir sought the aid of the Malwa sultan. Ghiyath reflected hard on the request and eventually agreed to assist. When, however, he learnt that Mahmud’s army was not far away, he became less keen to interfere and devised an excuse to withdraw. As a result Champanir was in due course conquered by the Gujarat sultan and Malwa lost an important buffer zone. This was to prove crucial in later years.

Not a great deal seems to be known about the detail of Ghiyath’s reign of over 30 years. He is said to have left much of the management of the state in the hands of Nasir Shah and devoted himself to his harem, but it is also said that he did that only after reigning for 20 years by which time he was quite old. He was a mild, religious man and his lack of rigour began to tell towards the end of his reign. His two sons, ‘Nasir  and Shujā’at Khan (who had the title Sultan ‘Ala’ al-Din) became rivals for the throne. They and their supporters intrigued against each other with each trying to gain the support of the aged Ghiyath. At length, in April 1500 (ah 905) Nasir became so exasperated that he left Mandu without permission for Dhar. This was seen as tantamount to rebellion and forces were sent against him but with no effect. Nasir in the meantime moved around the country gaining adherents. Shujā’at Khan and his party attempted to use Ghiyath to gain over some of Nasir’s supporters but without success.  Nasir began the siege of the fortress of Mandu. Some of the garrison slipped out and joined Nasir; more reinforcements arrived from elsewhere. Soon, Nasir felt strong enough to storm the fort but was driven back. Then with the aid of some treachery, one of the gates was opened and Nasir and his forces were able to gain entry. Shujā’at Khan was imprisoned. Ghiyath became virtually a prisoner. On 27 Rabi’ II 906 (20 November 1500) Nasir Shah ascended the throne. Six weeks later, Ghiyath Shah formally abdicated and embraced his son. He died a couple of months later aged 80.

At the start of his reign, Nasir had to contend with a serious rebellion by disaffected nobles who resented the way in which he had snatched the throne. The chief of them was Sher Khan, who was based at Chanderi. He managed to gather enough support to frustrate the initial efforts to defeat him and it needed Nasir Shah himself to take to the field, leaving his son Shihab al-Din in charge at the capital, before the rebel could be defeated and killed. Nasir’s relations with Mahmud I of Gujarat were kept on an even keel, with both parties keeping to their own spheres of influence.

In ad 1502-3 (ah 908) Nasir had to deal with some trouble from the Rajputs in the Khichiwara area. The following year he led an ineffectual campaign into Mewar. When a Bahmanid army invaded the principality of Khandesh later in the year, the local ruler Da’ud Khan sought his help. This was willingly given and the threat disappeared. The next few years seemed to have passed uneventfully but in ad 1510, his son Shihab al-Din, whom he had made heir apparent, raised the standard of revolt. Nasir defeated him in battle but declined to pursue him, preferring to try to win him over. When this failed, he summoned his third son and made him heir apparent with the title Sultan Mahmud Shah. Shihab al-Din then seems to have moved into the territory of the Dehli sultan, Sikandar Lodi.

Nasir’s action in passing over his elder sons for the intended succession was bound to cause problems. No doubt he realised this as he took care to give Mahmud good advice on how to rule, advice that perhaps he should himself have heeded more. Nasir died in 1510 and Mahmud ascended the throne as Mahmud II.  The succession was contested by Shihab al-Din who returned to Malwa but could not gain entry to the capital, and retired to Asir in Khandesh. In the meantime, back at Mandu, Mahmud had found that strong rivalries reigned among his nobles. His minister Basant Rai had been murdered and the governor of Mandu, Muhafiz Khan had driven two other leading nobles into rebellion. These sent for Shihab al-Din, who delightedly set out to join forces with them. Unfortunately, he died on route and the rebels proclaimed his son king with the title Hushang II.

They then marched into central Malwa but when a force was sent against them, Hushang fled and the leaders assured the king that they were really loyal to him but had rebelled as a result of Muhafiz  Khan's actions. This officer had already angered the king by proposing to kill his eldest brother, Sahib Khan. A quarrel arose and Muhafiz was driven from the palace. He retaliated by proclaiming Sahib Khan king under the title Muhammad II. Mahmud escaped from Mandu and desparately sought support. When sufficiently reinforced, he marched to meet his brother. But, when the two armies were encamped opposite each other, desertions took place in Mahmud’s favour and Muhammad fled only to bar Mahmud’s entrance to Mandu a few days later. The latter laid siege to the fortress and in due course managed to gain entry whereupon Muhammad and Muhafiz Khan fled, initially to Muzaffar II of Gujarat, and then to Berar.

Meanwhile Mahmud had re-established himself at Mandu. He had previously sought the support of the Purbiya Rajputs and he made their leader Medini Rai minister. He then, with his minister’s assistance, dismissed most of the old nobles from their posts as he had found many of them to be unreliable and fickle. Their places were filled with the minister’s appointees and Rajputs began to play an increasingly important role in the capital. This state of affairs was viewed with disquiet by the Muslims and Sikandar Khan, governor of Satwas, rebelled. There then ensued a situation where Mahmud was battling for his kingdom both against his brother, Muhammad, who was again proclaimed king at Chanderi and against Sikandar. During all this, the new Sultan of Gujarat, Muzaffar II, tried his luck in Malwa, but finding the fortress of Mandu well defended, withdrew home. Sikandar Lodi also showed an interest in what was going on when invited by one of the parties. Eventually, however, Mahmud and Muhammad came to an accommodation but the latter, not trusting his erstwhile supporter in Chanderi chose to seek refuge with the Dehli sultan.

Early in ad 1514, Mahmud returned to Mandu, where he became even more under the influence of his minister. He thought of dismissing Medini Rai but the minister managed to assuage him. But not for long: Mahmud coneived a plan to assassinate both Medini Rai and his son, Salibahan. They were attacked but, though, injured, managed to escape. In the fighting that followed, Salibahan was killed. Despite this, Medini Rai maintained his loyalty to the sultan who re-instated him. But the fact that the minister now let himself be accompanied by a guard of 500 whenever hs attended the sultan caused the latter to believe that Medini Rai at some time would seek to avenge the death of his son. There is no evidence to support Mahmud’s fears as Medini Rai showed himself to be a loyal servant to Mahmud. Most of the Muslim nobles had shown themselves to be disloyal at one time or another.  Nevertheless, In ad 1517 (ah 923), the sultan made his way to Gujarat to seek the aid of Muzaffar II. The latter duly obliged, as he was keen to extend Gujarat hegemony over Malwa, and together they marched on Mandu, which they managed to enter and a general slaughter of the Rajputs ensued. Medni Rai was not in Mandu when this happened; the two sultans were planning to march to do battle with him and his ally Rana Sangrāma, when they heard that they had fled. At this, Muzaffar restored Mahmud to his throne and returned home. To assist the Malwa sultan, he left with him Z?af Khan with 10,000 horsemen. Also around this time it is reported that, after the death of Muhammad II, Ibrahim Lodi of Dehli obtained possession of his heir, Ahmad Shah, and placed a dependent of his own in charge of Chanderi. This is substantiated by the existence of square Malwa-style coins in the name of the Dehli ruler.

Medni Rai, having fled the capital, still held sway in the northern and eastern parts of the sultanate, including Chanderi, Gagraun, Raisen, Bhilsa and Sarangpur. Mahmud thought it best to attack Medini Rai in his headquarters, Gagraun, before the Rajput could really consolidate his position. On the campaign, however, he made a strategic blunder which allowed Rana Sangrāma to attack him, kill Aîaf Khan and many of his men, and take him captive to Chitor. Rana Sangrāma treated his captive well and decided to return him to his throne, having first obtained certain obligations from him. When back in Mandu, Mahmud asked Muzaffar to withdraw the rest of the Gujarat troops, which he did.

Mahmud’s action in alienating the Rajputs, inviting the help of Muþaffar Shah, the result of which was the slaughter of much of Malwa’s fighting strength, and the subsequent withdrawal of Gujarat troops led to the break-up of the Malwa sultanate. By the end of ad 1519 (ah 925), the Mandasor area had passed to Rana Sangrāma, Chanderi was occupied by Medini Rai, the land from Sarangpur to Bhilsa and Raisen was under the control of Silahdi Purbiya and, in the south-east, Sikandar Khan became independent in the territory of Satwas. Sarangpur was recovered in the following year and Mahmud reigned peacefully in his reduced realm until ad 1526 (ah 932). In that year, Muzaffar II of Gujarat died, and his successor, Sikandar Shah was assassinated after a very brief rule. Bahadur Shah ascended the throne but had to deal with a range of disaffected nobles. The battle of Panipat had also taken place, which had seen the end of the Lodi dynasty in Dehli and its replacement by the Mughals. By this time, both Medini Rai and Rana Samgrāma had died. Mahmud may have thought his position secure as he allowed Mandu to become a centre of intrigue against Bahadur. This angered the Gujarat sultan, who decided to invade Malwa.

After various unsuccessful attempts at accommodation, Mahmud was obliged to shut himself up in the fortress of Mandu and Bahadur started the siege of the place. On 28 March 1531 (ah 937), he succeeded in entering the fort and Mahmud, seeing the futility in opposing him with his limited force and unreliable offices, retired to his palace. Bahadur summoned Mahmud to him, and displeased by the latter’s attitude, placed him under arrest. Three days later he caused the khutba to be read in his own name. This was tantamount to announcing that Bahadur was Sultan of Malwa and that Malwa had been annexed to Gujarat. Mahmud and his sons were sent in chains to imprisonment in Champanir but, on the way, the convoy was attacked. Mahmud attempted to escape in the confusion, and the guards, fearing what might happen to them if he were to escape, killed him and his son. Thus ended the Khalji dynasty of Malwa.

To consolidate his position in Malwa, Bahadur sought to reduce or destroy the power of those who held large swathes of the land. He treachorously arrested Silahdi Purbiya and occupied Ujjain, leaving Darya Khan in charge there. He occupied Sarangpur and granted it to Mallu Khan. Bhilsa was easily taken and then began the siege of Raisen, Silahdi’s well fortified headquarters. This siege lasted over four months but eventually the fortress was handed over to the investing army with Silahdi dying in a last ditch battle. Bahadur granted the fort of Raisen and the territory of  Bhilsa to ‘Ulam Khan Jighat of Kalpi. After this, Bahadur wished to punish Rana Bikramajit of Chitor for having given assistance to Silahdi. He captured several forts and caused considerable damage to Chitor itself before agreeing peace terms. He was keen at first not to antagonise the growing Mughal power under its new emperor, Humayun. But soon his views of the Mughals’ abilities changed and he willingly gave shelter and asylum to Mughal rebels and refugees. This resulted in an exchange of letters between the two sovereigns, polite enough at first, but then Bahadur’s tone changed. Humayun moved into Malwa and reached Ujjain at the beginning of ad 1535 (ah 951) where he obtained the support of the disaffected Rajputs. Bahadur meanwhile captured Chitor, repaired it and left it in the hands of an officer who already had the charge of the fort of Ranthambhor. This upset another of his officers, Rumi Khan. In due course, the armies of Bahadur and Humayun camped near Mandasor. Bahadur, relying on the advice of disaffected officers, made a strategic blunder and found himself surrounded by the Mughal army. He contrived to escape back to Mandu leaving his camp and his baggage to the Mughals.

The Gujerat army made its way back to Mandu too, with the Mughal army following. The Mughals started a siege of the fort, but realising its strength offered terms to Bahadur. The terms permitted Bahªdur to keep Gujarat and Chitor but required him to hand over Malwa to Humayun. The terms were agreed, after which Bahadur became complacent and was not on his guard when the Mughals managed to force their way into the fort and conquer the place. Bahadur and a few of his followers succeeded in escaping and making their way back to Gujarat but by the middle of ad 1535 (ah 942), Humayun was in full possession of the Malwa capital. He then went off on a successful campaign to Gujarat during which time resistance against the Mughal had started at Mandu. Ujjain was taken. When Humayun returned he set up his headquarters at Mandu but was disinclined to recapture Ujjain and, indeed, problems elsewhere soon obliged him to depart from Malwa leaving neither garrison nor governor behind.

Nor was Bahadur able to reassert himself in Malwa as he had plenty of his own problems in Gujarat. Instead,  he appointed Mallu Khan in Mandu and Muhammad Miran Khan to overall charge of Malwa. The latter presumably had his headquarters in Ujjain, as he was certainly there on Bahadur’s death in ah 943 (ad 1536-7). After that death, there was a temporary power vacuum in Gujarat but on the accession of Mahmud III, Mallu Khan was sent a canopy with the title of Qadir Shah and the right to strike coins.

Qadir Shah proved an able ruler and was able to restore peace and order to the country. He also obtained the allegiance of the Rajputs. A new menace arose soon in the form of Sher Shah Suri, who sent Qadir Shah a firman requiring his assistance against the Mughals. This irritated the Malwa ruler, who did not wish to get involved with Mughal affairs, and he, in return, sent Sher Shah a similar firman. Sher Shah was not pleased with this reply but for a couple of years let matters rest while he consolidated his position in northern India.

In ad 1542 (ah 949), Sher Shah set off for Malwa. He reached Raisen, where he received the submission of Puran Mal, and then marched towards Sarangpur. Qadir Shah came from Ujjain and waited upon Sher Shah. Sher Shah welcomed him with gifts and moved on to Ujjain, thus gaining control of Malwa without having to do battle. Qadir Shah, distrusting the intentions of Sher Shah, fled to Gujarat and  Malwa was put in the hands of Shuja’at Khan, ‘aji Khan and Junaid Khan. The following year, Sher Shah captured the fortress of Raisen and put Shuja’at Khan in overall control of Malwa. Following Sher Shah’s untimely death shortly afterwards,  Shuja’at Khan faced some opposition from Islam Shah Suri, who replaced him with ‘Isa Khan. Shuja’at Khan was re-appointed governor of all Malwa by Muhammad ‘Adil Suri in ah 961 (ad 1553-4).

Shuja’at Khan reorganised the administration of Malwa, placing Daulat Khan Ajiyala in Ujjain and area around; Malik Mustafa in Raisen and Bhilsa; Miyan Bayazid in Hanida and Ashta; and himself in Sarangpur, which became the seat of government, Mandu having declined somewhat in importance. He died the following year and there then followed a scramble for power among his sons. The two main contestants were Miyan Bayazid and Daulat Khan Ajiyala. A compromise was worked out whereby Daulat Khan would have Ujjain and Mandu, Bayazid would have Sarangpur, Handia and some other places; and Malik Mustafa would retain Raisen and Bhilsa. But Bayazid’s real intention was to seize power for himself. He attacked and killed Daulat Khan and then attacked and defeated Malik Mustafa at Raisen. Having assumed royalty under the title of Baz Bahadur Shah he attempted to establish his authority over the Gond state of Garha, but failed dismally and thereafter kept his peace. He seems to have spent most of his time devoted to the cultivation of the arts and to his mistress Rupmati.

In ad 1561 (ah 968), the Mughal emperor Akbar decided to invade Malwa. His army, under Adham Khan, arrived in the area of Sarangpur and in due course a battle was fought which resulted in Baz Bahadur’s hasty retreat to Khandesh. The victorious Mughal army entered the city and took possession of the palace and all that was within it. Adham Khan divided Malwa into four administrative divisions: Sarangpur, Mandu, Handia and Mandasor. He, himself, remained at Sarangpur, Pir Muhammad was put in charge of Mandu; and the two other division were handed to two other officers. Akbar was not content with the meagre spoils sent to him and marched to Sarangpur, where Adham Khan was advised to divulge all. This done, Akbar departed content, having confirmed the officers in their places. Adham Khan was recalled soon afterwards and Pīr Muhammad put in charge of the whole province.

Pir Muhammad’s treatment of his subjects was brutal and he became very unpopular. Baz Bahadur turned up again and succeeded in gaining considerable support. Pir Muhammad in the meantime was busy plundering Burhanpur and on his way back, heavily laden with booty, he decided to do battle with Baz Bahadur. He was defeated and attempting to cross the Narbada River, he was drowned. This demoralised the Mughal army in Malwa and Baz Bahadur was able to regain his throne, but only for a short time. Akbar sent another army to Malwa, which defeated the Malwa sultan who was forced to flee into Gondwana. This was in ad 1562 (ah 969) and the independent sultanate of Malwa had finally come to an end.

Kerala's Sri Padmanabhaswamy temple could well be richest in country

THIRUVANANTHAPURAM:

About Temple

Sree Padmanabhaswamy temple is a huge structure located in the heart of the thiruvananthapuram city with a 100 feet gopuram (tower). This richly sculptured structure was renovated in 1733. The presiding deity Sree Padmanabhaswamy is Lord Vishnu, reclining on the serpent 'Anantha'. The temple has a blend of Dravidian and Kerala style architecture and sprawls over a vast area. The entry to the shrine is restricted to only Hindus.

Pallivetta (Royal hunt) and Arattu (Holy bath) are two important rituals held as part of the festivals in some of the major temples in Kerala. The uniqueness of the Arattu at Sree Padmanabhaswamy temple is that the head of the royal family of the erstwhile Travancore kingdom still escorts the idols during the procession donning his traditional attire.

During Pallivetta the head of the royal family shoots a tender coconut using a bow and arrow. This ritual is symbolic of Lord Vishnu (the presiding deity of the shrine) hunting down the demon of evil in a forest and is held in front of the Sundravilasam Palace inside the Thiruvananthapuram fort. The Pallivetta is held on the eve of Arattu.

The Sri Padmanabhaswamy temple in Kerala could well be the richest in the country as unofficial estimates Saturday, the sixth day of preparing an inventory of treasures in its six chambers, suggested the value of its gold, diamond and other precious metals at close to Rs 1 lakh crore.

The inventory of the temple here, maintained by the erstwhile royal family of Travancore, is being made by a seven-member Supreme Court-appointed panel.

The temple has a total of six chambers, named A to F by the committee. With chamber B yet to be opened and chamber A's accounting ending Saturday, and two more chambers left unopened yet, it is expected that the inventory process may continue for a few more days.

The committee, which includes a gemmologist, stumbled upon a nearly four-foot-tall statue of Lord Vishnu in gold and studded with emeralds.

Other precious items that were accounted for Saturday included several golden statues, almost all weighing two kg each. Among other things are a gold necklace as long as 15 feet, and crowns studded with emeralds, rubies and diamonds.

Antique things at Temples Value More than its markets Value

Thiruvananthapuram:  Gold ornaments, gold and silver coins, stone studded crowns, idols and figurines inlaid with precious stones and jewels estimated to be worth a whopping over Rs.90,000 crore have been found from the cellars of Sree Padmanabhaswamy temple here.

The inventory list of jewellery after the opening of the chambers, some locked up for several decades, on Supreme Court orders, is expected to go up substantially.

While similar treasures possessed by many other princely states in pre-colonial India were plundered by attackers, or wasted on luxuries by members of the royal houses themselves, the Travancore kings are believed to have zealously guarded them as reserves of the state.

Coins from other princely states like Vijayanagar empire and European countries have also been found which might be part of the gifts received by the rulers of the time.

While all major temples of the area were handed over to the Travancore Devaswom Board after merger of the princely state with the Indian Union after 1947, control of Padmanabhaswamy temple was retained by the royal house through a covenant with the government.

Narayanan, former Indian History Congress President said, "The state or Central government cannot take over these assets as they are part of the temple coffers according to the system followed by the Travancore kings." http://www.ndtv.com/article/india/kerala-temple-treasure-worth-over-rs-90-000-crore-116574